Group Members: Ruby, Natasha, Spencer, and Sophie

1) Debt Bondage Slavery in India

Ruby James


I became bonded after I got married to my husband 20 years ago - his family had been bonded for three generations to the same landlord - they took loans for marriage, for illness, for education and so it went on… I used to work from 6.00am in the landlord's house - cleaning, fetching water… Then I would go to work on the farm… cutting, threshing and so on until 7.00pm or later. Only after I had finished could I go home to feed my family. My landlord would abuse us and threaten to beat us if we ever went to work for someone else.**[1]**
Former bonded laborer from Thane District, India, 1999
This quote conveys the nature of debt bondage slavery in India. Debt bondage is the most common form of slavery in South Asia today. Victims are usually impoverished farmworkers desperate for a steady income and a secure livelihood. It occurs when a person pledges his labor against a loan. The duration and specific work required to repay the loan is usually undefined and as a result, the employer takes advantage of the worker. Bonded laborers usually work long hours under hard working conditions. Eventually, the value of labor exceeds the sum of the money borrowed but the employer finds ways to increase the worker’s debt. The worker becomes bound to his employer for the rest of his life and his debt is passed on from generation to generation.[2] Although the Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act (BLSAA) outlawed debt bondage in India in 1976, it still exists as one of the most prevalent forms of slavery in India today.[3] There is an estimated 27 million slaves in Asia today.[4] There are 10 million slaves in India and the majority of these are enslaved in debt bondage.[5] The issue of why it still continues as a form of slavery in India has come into question. Debt bondage slavery persists in contemporary India due to the disposition of potential victims, environmental as well as societal influence, and the detrimental psychological state of the bonded.
The International Labor Organization describes debt bondage slavery as, “the most widespread form of tying workers to their employment, less shocking than outright slavery perhaps, but just as effective."[6]Debt bondage slavery is most common in quarries and open mines. It is also found in agriculture, stone mining, brick kilns, power looms, handlooms, silk weaving, woolen carpets, fish processing, construction, and rice mills.[7] Bonded laborers lose their overall freedom. The relationship between the laborer and contractor becomes one of complete dependency. They can’t change employers without the risk of severe punishment, endure long working hours, and their wages are withheld due to their outstanding debt. The wage of the laborer is only enough to survive for the week, not enough to pay back the loan as well. As a result, the cycle continues as the laborer needs to take more loans for food, medical needs, and other surprise expenses.[8]
Ashok Kumar represents an average victim of debt bondage slavery. He is a 30-year-old agricultural, bonded laborer and belongs to the adi dravida community (scheduled caste). He has been working to pay off a loan his father took for his sister’s marriage when he was 13 years old. His day begins at 5 am and he works about 12 hours a day. Although his master claims to annually deduct a sum of money equivalent to the value of Kumar’s labor, his debt is gradually increasing. Three years ago, Kumar decided to protest against the deductions and the amount he was paid. He was then tied to a tree and severely beaten.[9] Debt bondage stems from the caste system and the growing global demand for cheap, expendable labor.[10] It evolved as a form of enslavement separately in all parts of India. In the Northwest, such as Punjab, it was known as the “sepadari” or “sajhi” system. In the Haryana region, it was known as the “siri” system. In Western India, such as Rajasthan and Gujarat, it was called the “halipratha” system. In Eastern India, such as Bihar, it was the “goti” system.
The BLSAA was a progressive legislation that gave hope to India’s most disadvantaged, marginalized citizens. It meant that workers were no longer tied to their employers, they could walk away from bondage. However, the abolishment did not empower laborers. It led to more unemployment.[11] Workers were free without economic security, arguably worse than debt bondage itself.
Bonded laborers are subject to political, social, legal, economic, and physical disadvantages. These vulnerabilities contribute to the continuous cycle of debt bondage today. A desire for economic security is the main cause of debt bondage slavery. Kailash Satyarthi, founder of Bachpan Bachao Andolan, an organization that strives to rescue exploited children in farming, rug-making and other industries, firmly believes that poor farmworkers are unable to earn money independently and are therefore desperate for a source of income. He states: "There is disempowerment of the poorest of the poor. They are marginalized, they are losing their traditional forms of livelihood, and entering into modern forms of slavery."[12]This economic vulnerability causes many farmers in impoverished villages to fall victim to debt bondage.
In the India, land is an economic essential; a very important basis for livelihood. Everyone is dependent on its output and on those who control it. In the city of Chhattisgarh, only 9% of farmers control 70% of agricultural land holdings. This means that 91% of farmers are left to survive off of the remaining 30% of agricultural land holdings.[13] Many cannot afford to own land and have no choice but to depend on other farmers. Only 21% net sown area in Chhattisgarh is irrigated. Those that can afford land may not be able to afford the expensive irrigation equipment needed and are forced to take out a loan.[14] For example, in Chhattisgarh 43% of people live below the poverty line.[15] A group of farmworkers in this city needed money after being displaced from their homes. Wealthy landowners took advantage of the farmworkers by offering them loans for farming equipment and other necessities. The farmworkers took the loans and quickly became bonded laborers, trapped in the cycle of debt.[16]
Physical injuries and the overall poor health of laborers furthers the cycle of bondage. Due to the nature of work, bonded laborers are usually in poor health and have no access to medical care. If medical care is necessary, they are forced to depend on their masters for money thus, falling deeper into debt. Debt bondage slaves are also disadvantaged legally. They are incapable of making claims to their rights as citizens because they have no access to legal protection and are unaware of their rights. As a result, they remain enslaved.
Political and social vulnerabilities contribute to enslavement as well. Many are illiterate and unable to vote. As a result, bonded laborers feel completely powerless over their lives and disconnected from society. Also, it is common for contractors to force slaves to vote in their favor. This keeps politicians who tolerate debt bondage slavery in power[17].
Outside environmental factors, embedded in Indian culture and society, perpetuate the cycle of debt bondage slavery in India today. Land destruction contributes to the continuation of debt bondage slavery. Fertile land is essential to earn a living for farmers. When land is destroyed, farmers are uprooted without compensation and forced to completely start over.[18] Desperate for loans, farmers quickly find themselves enslaved through debt bondage. The cycle continues as slaveholders usually force their laborers to work on “protected” land, in turn destroying more land and displacing even more farmers who now need loans. Dam construction is an example of a common detriment that regularly uproots farmers.[19] In Uttar Pradesh, thousands of slaves working in stone quarries and mines cut down trees to obtain underground minerals. This completely destroys surrounding land, making it impossible for farmers to use it.[20] Even if slaves try to escape, they are unable to make a living on the destroyed surrounding land. This destruction also makes land more vulnerable to erosion, landslides, and other natural disasters.[21]
Natural disasters amplify the number of slaves. Flooding, landslides, and droughts displace many farmers, increasing their vulnerability to traffickers. A drought in Andhra Pradesh and Punjab caused a large amount of displaced workers to migrate to the city.[22] These workers are often ill informed, illiterate, desperate and therefore vulnerable to traffickers. Many trafficked women are from disaster prone areas. Researchers believe that the Gujarat earthquake in 2001 contributed to an increase of trafficked children in that year.[23]
Societal and cultural norms help keep laborers enslaved. Indian culture promotes the idea of karma and accepting your fate. As a result, the poor have accepted their poverty as a fact of life and do not attempt to rise above their situation.[24] They also believe debts must be repaid in order to reach salvation. When someone is on his or her deathbed, it is common to tell surviving family members of their outstanding debts. If the next generation does not pay it off, they believe it will haunt them in their next life.[25]
The mental state of bonded laborers further traps them in enslavement. Internal insecurities and fears convince them that bonded labor is the best option. Many are afraid that if they ran away, they’d be paid even less than they are paid now because many lack working experience and don’t have other job options. As a result, bonded laborers fear they would be left without food, shelter, or overall economic security. Because contractors usually provide shelter for their slaves, if a worker were to quit, they would immediately lose their house.
Many workers sustain a fear of violence as well. They are afraid of what contractors would do to them if they left. Bonded laborers experience physical violence and threats on a daily basis. It is very common for contractors to hire men to go after runaway laborers. Laborers have no access to legal protection and are completely at the mercy of contractors. Ashok Kumar had no choice but to pay off his father’s debt. He did not move away from the situation because the contractor threatened his family and he feared for their wellbeing. [26] As a result, many laborers have lost hope in institutional structures and overall political effectiveness. Bonded laborers realize that the law doesn’t work in favor of poor, marginalized citizens.[27] All of these insecurities support an overall fear of an uncertain future. The pure fear of the unknown, keeps laborers enslaved.[28]
Aside from the passing of the BLSAA, the government has not supported their situation. After eradicating debt bondage slavery, the Indian government claims that it is no longer a prevalent issue. None of the bonded laborers interviewed in Chains of Servitude, were aware of the BLSAA and no one in their village was freed under the provisions of the act.[29] Even if the government were to aid in the eradication of debt bondage, the psychological state of laborers reveals that the government’s help alone would not be successful.[30] Grassroots efforts led by laborers themselves have a better chance of succeeding in obtaining sustainable freedom for debt bondage laborers. However, due to the vulnerabilities of potential victims, impending exterior influences, and the overall mental state of the bonded, debt bondage continues as a form of modern day slavery haunting the idea of “democracy” in contemporary India.

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[1] "Anti-Slavery - Bonded Labour." Anti-Slavery. <http://www.antislavery.org/english/slavery_today/bonded_labour.aspx (accessed 30 Aug. 2011).
[2] Bhukuth, Augendra (08/01/2006). "Is child labour a substitute for adult labour?: A case study of brick kiln workers in Tamil Nadu, India". International journal
of social economics (0306-8293), 33 (8), p. 594.

[3] Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India, New Delhi: Published by Information and Feature Trust for Centre for Education and Communication, 2008.
[4] Bales, Kevin, Zoe Trodd, and Alex Kent. Williamson. Modern Slavery: the Secret
World of 27 Million People. Oxford: Oneworld, 2009.
[5] Bales, Kevin, Zoe Trodd. To Plead Our Own Cause. Cornell University: Cornell
University Press, 2008
[6] Compiled From News Services, “Slavery, Forced Labor Exploit Millions Worldwide,
Group Says,” St. Louis Post, March 9, 1993.
[7] Breman, Jan. Footloose Labour: Working in India's Informal Economy. Cambridge [England: Cambridge UP, 1996.

[8] Bhukuth, Augendra. "Child Labour and Debt Bondage: A Case Study of Brick Kiln
Workers in Southeast India." Journal of Asian and African Studies (2005).
[9] Patnaik, Utsa, and Manjari Dingwaney. Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India. (Madras: Sangam, 1985),150-151
[10] <http://www.antislavery.org/english/slavery_today/bonded_labour.aspx

[11] Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India
[12] Chris Buckley, “Surging economies, corruption fuel Asian slavery,” The Toronto
Star, June 25, 2007.

[13] Report on Bonded Labor in Chhattisgarh, 2007.
[14] Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India
[15] Center for Education and Communication. Report on Bonded Labor in Chhattisgarh, 2007. www.cec-india.org
[16] Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India

[17] Footloose Labour: Working in India's Informal Economy.
[18] Bhukuth, Augendra (09/11/2007). "Social capital and the brokerage system: the formation of debt bondage in South India". Journal of economic studies (Bradford) (0144-3585), 34 (4), p. 311.
[19] Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India
[20] Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India
[21] Singh, Sunit, “Why Do the Bonded Fear Freedom?: Some Lessons from the Field,” Psychology Developing Societies (2010) 22: 249
[22] Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India
[23] Modern Slavery: the Secret World of 27 Million People
[24] Psychology Developing Societies
[25] Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India
[26] Psychology Developing Societies
[27] Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India
[28] Psychology Developing Societies
[29] Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India
[30] Stackhouse, John. “India tries to stamp out ` debt bondage.’” The Washington
Times, September 21, 1996


Bibliography

"Anti-Slavery - Bonded Labour." Anti-Slavery.
<http://www.antislavery.org/english/slavery_today/bonded_labour.aspx (accessed 30 Aug. 2011).

Bales, Kevin, Zoe Trodd, and Alex Kent. Williamson. Modern Slavery: the Secret
World of 27 Million People. Oxford: Oneworld, 2009.

Bales, Kevin, Zoe Trodd. To Plead Our Own Cause. Cornell University: Cornell
University Press, 2008

Bhukuth, Augendra (09/11/2007). "Social capital and the brokerage system: the
formation of debt bondage in South India". Journal of economic studies
(Bradford) (0144-3585), 34 (4), p. 311.

Bhukuth, Augendra (08/01/2006). "Is child labour a substitute for adult labour?: A
case study of brick kiln workers in Tamil Nadu, India". International journal
of social economics (0306-8293), 33 (8), p. 594.

Bhukuth, Augendra. "Child Labour and Debt Bondage: A Case Study of Brick Kiln
Workers in Southeast India." Journal of Asian and African Studies (2005).

Breman, Jan. Footloose Labour: Working in India's Informal Economy.
Cambridge [England: Cambridge UP, 1996.

Buckley, Chris. “Surging economies, corruption fuel Asian slavery.” The Toronto
Star, June 25, 2007.

Center for Education and Communication. Report on Bonded Labor in
Chhattisgarh, 2007. www.cec-india.org

Compiled From News Services. “Slavery, Forced Labor Exploit Millions Worldwide,
Group Says.” St. Louis Post, March 9, 1993.

Labour Vulnerability and Debt Bondage in Contemporary India. New Delhi:
Published by Information and Feature Trust for Centre for Education and
Communication, 2008.

“Human trafficking still lurking in the shadows.” Lawyers Weekly (2008) 24

Patnaik, Utsa, and Manjari Dingwaney. Chains of Servitude: Bondage and
Slavery in India. Madras: Sangam, 1985.

Singh, Sunit. “Why Do the Bonded Fear Freedom?: Some Lessons from the Field.”
Psychology Developing Societies (2010) 22: 249

Stackhouse, John. “India tries to stamp out ` debt bondage.’” The Washington
Times, September 21, 1996

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2) Prison camp slavery in China

by Sophie

Labor reform system has been operating in China since 1954. According to the Laogai (reform-through-labor) Research Foundation (LRF), 40 to 50 million people have been sent to labor reform camps during the passed 50 years. My paper is going to focus on different aspects in both history and present of the prison camp slavery in China.
Firstly, I want to look into the detail of the prisoners’ life by quoting and analyzing the narratives of prisoners kept in prison camps during different time periods.
I am going to focus on these questions below:
1) What is the prisoners’ living condition like? Are they physically or mental abused? (Details about food, clothes, medical care, working and ‘studying’ time will be investigated)
2) Where do they usually work?
3) What kind of thing do they usually produce?
4) How much money do they earn? How much profit do they make for the government?
Secondly, I’m interested in similarities and differences between Labor Reform Systems in different time periods. Government documents, books written by scholars and the LRF will be used and compared. The specific questions that I’m looking into are displayed below:
1) The number of people kept in prison camps.
2) The number of prison camps.
3) The reason that people got kept in prison camps
(People with different ethnic backgrounds will be specifically investigated.)
Thirdly, the paper is also going to focus on how life will be after the reform-through-labor. In fact, after finishing their prison terms, prisoners maybe sent to the Forced Job Placement which can be considered as a lifelong reform-through-labor. However, even a prisoner is allowed to go back home, life will still be tough because of the discrimination and insulation.
Fourthly, by quoting laws and displaying the frameworks of prison camp slavery system, I’m also trying to prove that the system is actually against the constitution of China.
In the end, I will talk about the efforts contributed to stop the prison camp slavery. Restrictions of Trade on slavery involved products, writers who are trying to telling the truth and proposals signed by all kinds of people will all be referred.
The materials supposed to be used are listed as follow:
1) Bitter winds written by Hongda Harry Wu, who has been sentenced as a ‘counter-revolutionary rightist’ to labor camps in the Anti-rightist Campaign since 1957.(Hongda Wu went into prison camp when he was a college student at the age of 23, and got out at 42 in 1976.)
2) New ghosts old ghosts written by James D Seymour and Richard Anderson, which focus on labor reform system in the Northwest of China and also includes the narrative of Fan Sidong, a political prisoner who has been kept in a prison camp in Xinjiang Province from 1983 to 1994.
3) To plea our own cause by Kevin Bales and Zoe Trodd, which displays several Falun Gong practitioners’ testimonies (around 2000).
4)Laogai Handbook(2003~2004) by Laogai Research Foundation, which focuses on the current situation, especially the number and names, of today’s Chinese prison camps.
5)Labor reform and forces job placement by Hongda Harry Wu, which analyzes the labor reform systems by looking into laws and government policies.

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3) Untitled (Spencer's Abstract)

U.S. Department of State has ranked India at tier 2 for the last four years and is threatening to drop India to tier 3. Slavery is not new to India although the demand and presence of all types of slavery has grown. Slavery is such a broad issue that I intend to focus on human sex trafficking and the relation of slums. The poorest people in India are concentrated in the slums. Human sex trafficking often goes hand and hand with poverty and with the lack of education which both are very prevalent in the slums. India is rich with culture but faces many socio-economic problems as well. India has a huge disparity between the rich and the poor, which is a common breeding ground for forced slavery. This growing gap between the rich and the poor also leads to police corruption in that the wealthier population can pay their way out of jail while the poor are often imprisoned on account of suspicion with lacking evidence.

Modern slavery has continued to adapt to where it is today. Sex trafficking has changed from a low source of income to a very profitable business as the accessibility to new slaves has increased. Sex trafficking today doesn’t hold much risk for the slaveholders, especially in India since they can often pay off the police to turn their backs on their business.

Slums have become one of the most common places to locate sex trafficking today in India. The lack of education plays a huge role the expansion of sex trafficking in the slums. Slums are run by a Slum lords who chooses who can live in the slum along with the price they have to pay since there is high demand to live in the slums. People often have no way to pay the slumlord and find themselves in debt very quickly. These people then turn to prostitution since their bodies become the only thing they can offer since they have little to no education.

I learned most of what I already know from a historical fiction book called Shantaram that takes place in the slums of India. In order to research this topic more in depth I turned to a book called Combating Trafficking of Women and Children in South Asia. This book will be helpful in getting a better sense of the process of sex trafficking. Although this book may be a little out of date in terms of numbers and statistics, the process and history that this book describes is good insight for a better understanding of the subject.

I stumbled upon a peer-reviewed article for another source of information. I came across an article titled: “Voices from the Void: A Depth Psychological Reconceptualization of Sex Trafficking in Modern‐Day India.” Sex trafficking is very dependent on the psychological control of the trafficked. This article examines the control that the traffickers have on their trafficked.

Lastly I found written report by The Asian Human Rights Commission. It tells an in depth description of a case regarding child prostitution in Allahabad. This was both shocking and helpful in a better understanding of the topic at hand. My paper will cover sex trafficking in modern India and the involvement of slums regarding sex trafficking.

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4) Human Trafficking in Cambodia

Natasha Borgen

“When I was a little girl I dreamed of going to school, and then finding someone to love, to have a family. That was my dream, when I was a little girl.” Chanta, a 24-year-old Khmer woman, shared a common dream among young women; however, it was stripped from her when she was sold into prostitution at the age of 13. Forced to leave her home because of domestic abuse, she traveled to the city where a woman deceived her into working as a sex slave. If she fought back or refused, the woman would beat her or use electricity to shock her. When she finally escaped and found her father and stepmother, they rejected her, leaving her on the streets to die of AIDS. “One of my greatest fears is that when I die no one will come to my burial,” she explains.”[1]

Chanta represents one of many women in Cambodia who are victims of human trafficking. While Cambodia’s most widely recognized identifier around the world is the “Killing Fields” from the Khmer Rouge, it has recently begun to attract attention for its notoriety as a hot spot for human trafficking. Cambodia has gained an image of a good source for acquiring cheap and easy access to women and children to sexually exploit, an easy transit for sex trafficking to other places and a good place for human traffickers to recruit men to force into labor in categories such as agriculture and construction. The director of the Cambodian Women’s Development Association (CWDA) Eung Chantol has stated that “within Asia, Cambodia has the highest rate of sex trafficking. As well, there is trafficking and beggars, wives, domestic servants and for other types of work where women and children are coerced or exploited in the process.”[2] But in a country where human trafficking is illegal, why does it continue to flourish? Many factors such as prolonged military conflict, lack of law enforcement, migration issues and tourism leave the country vulnerable to human trafficking, especially sex trafficking.

In 2003, an estimated 31% of Cambodians (3.6 million people) were migrants, and while the number of those in sex work was unknown, a conservative estimate indicated that nearly 40,000 people were being trafficked while over a million others were living and working in difficult situations.[3] The definition of human trafficking is unclear although there are basic elements that are widely agreed upon, such as: violence or threat of; deprivation of freedom of movement; abuse of authority; confiscation of one’s documents; and debt-bondage in which the nature of repayment is not clearly defined.[4] The U.S defines severe human trafficking in the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) as:

1. a. Sex trafficking in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion,
   or in which the person induced to perform such an act has not attained 18 years of
   age; or
2. b. The recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for
   labor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of
   subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery[5]
   
   

More than 20 years of political turmoil and civil war devastated Cambodia’s socioeconomic and cultural infrastructures, which separated families, orphaned children and left the country in poverty. Cambodia still suffers from the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge regime psychologically and economically, playing a large role in the frequency of human trafficking and exploitation. Cambodia now has a very young and growing population of 14.4 million. In 1998 nearly half the population was under the age of 15, and in 2004 that percentage dropped to 39%. The population is growing at 1.96% with a youth population at a 3.2% rate.[6] This results in more and more young Khmer attempting to enter the labor force, but instead facing unemployment because there is not enough job creation to meet the population’s needs, creating an increased drive towards cross-boarder migration for employment.[7]

Migration is closely related to trafficking in the case of Cambodia. Even though migration across borders does not have to be coercive or exploitative and some choose to migrate with out the proper documents, traveling undocumented leaves people vulnerable to trafficking, and those who travel legally still may find themselves in trafficking situations. Issues with migration and trafficking began in Cambodia in the early 1990s. The two decades prior to that time trapped the Cambodian people, leaving them little chance to travel due to ideological and economic circumstances. When Cambodia transformed into a new and free-market economy, it welcomed new products, freedom and communication with other parts of the world.[8]

Internal and external migration post Khmer Rouge seemed to be a coping strategy for the survivors living in poverty in Cambodia. They are motivated by several different factors and are falsely lured to promises of oversea jobs and promised higher wages. They look to urban centers such as Phnom Penh for similar reasons. They become mobile, and it is this mobility that makes them susceptible to labor exploitation and human trafficking. Often times, migrants are aware of the risks involved; however, the opportunity for a better life for themselves and their families is sometimes worth the risk. Because there are not enough jobs at home, people seek work elsewhere, particularly in Thailand.

The statistics on the number of people migrating to Thailand from Cambodia are difficult to establish because there is no way to track the number of people who are illegally trafficked, but Thai authorities report the number of Khmer sent back to Cambodia between January and August of 2002 was 28,117, and they estimate that there are from 60 to 300 illegal Cambodian migrants daily.[9] Since Thailand borders northern Cambodia and is a much more affluent country, it is a major receiving country. Thai networks in Cambodia solicit among vulnerable Cambodian households in mostly rural but also urban areas. Women are mainly trafficked into prostitution, but other women, including elderly women and children are trafficked into other types of jobs including begging and domestic slavery. Victims, after crossing the border, are then usually transported to Bangkok or other major cities.

In addition to the migration problem post-Khmer Rouge and civil war, the arrival of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) created a boom for the sex industry in Cambodia. Prostitution was completely banned during the Khmer Rouge years and generally suppressed by Cambodia’s rulers, but the problem continued and was at its peak when 20,000 mostly-male troops and personnel of UNTAC suddenly entered the country in 1992, increasing the market for commercial sex services. The number of prostitutes in the State of Cambodia rose from 6,000 to over 20,000 after their arrival, and by 1995 the World Health Organization estimated there were between 50,000 and 90,000 Cambodians affected by AIDS.[10] Samarasinghe argues, “Since 1991 Cambodia has also been associated with sex tourism which has developed alongside the mainstream tourist industry in Cambodia.”[11] Tourism is a huge contributor to Cambodia’s economy. The beauty of the temples of Angkor Wat attracts visitors from across the globe. Sadly, however, the sex industry has attracted tourists from all corners as well, allowing traffickers more opportunities and motivation to find victims to exploit.

Surprisingly, in trafficking situations, the victim is usually recruited by people they know, perhaps a neighbor, friend or relative. Most trafficked women are under 18 years old, presumably because they are unaware of schemes and are naïve and easy to cheat into trafficking operations. Also, sometimes parents are so poverty stricken they sell their children. The CWDA points out many factors that explain why women and children leave their homes and fall victim to sex slavery. They describe the patterns as follows:

Generally, trafficked women and children are being deceived by a trusted person who may be a relative, neighbor, known person from the village, boyfriend and/or friends. In many cases the perpetrators of the crime are aware of the naiveté of the women and children they deceive. There are cases which indicate parental consent is give to allow daughters to go off with the above-mentioned people, in belief that the daughters will be offered reasonable jobs and will soon be able to contribute to family incomes. [12]

In 2000 the Cambodia Human Development Report estimated that there were 80,000 to 100,000 sex workers in Cambodia, and in Phnom Penh alone there were 17,000 sex workers and 30% of those were under 18 years old.[13]

Another major contributing factor feeding the industry of human trafficking, is the lack of police enforcement. In To Plead Our Own Cause, a compilation of testimonies edited by Kevin Bales and Zoe Trodd, Dina, a Khmer woman, reveals how the police take part in sexually exploiting her and other sex workers. She says, “They arrest us and take our money… If we cannot pay, they detain us for a day or two; they give us no water.” When the police are finally convinced the girls really have no money to pay, they take the girls to another pimp to sell for $100, feeding the vicious and corrupt cycle. Dina was trafficked into prostitution, and she explains how it is not in the police’s interest to see prostitution decriminalized because they would lose their share of money. In 2006, The Cambodian Ministry of Interior reported 65 arrests for human trafficking and many prosecutions of police officials for trafficking-related corruption charges.[14] This corruption is one of the reasons that disable Cambodia from truly combating and minimizing the prevalence of human trafficking.

Under the 2000 TVPA act, The U.S. Department of State must submit a trafficking in persons (TIP) report to congress. Countries are ranked on four categories. A country ranked Tier 1 fully complies with the TVPA’s minimum standards, while a country ranked Tier 2 does not comply, but is making efforts to improve. Countries that are in Tier 3 do not comply and are not making efforts to improve. Within the past 10 years, Cambodia has been ranked Tier 2 and Tier 3 and has currently received a Tier 2 watch list ranking. This means it does not fully comply, but they are making efforts to improve; however, there has still been an increase of trafficking or there is a lack of evidence showing the efforts of preventing or fighting human trafficking.[15]

Cambodia took a big step towards complying with the TVPA standards in 2008 when the Law of the Suppression of Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation was passed. Although the law prohibits and criminalizes all forms of trafficking offenses, the law does not contain any “provisions to protect trafficking victims in general,” subjecting victims to further abuse under detention as described in Dina’s story.[16] In some cases, Cambodia police were unwilling to investigate many of the suspected trafficking operations because they believed high-ranking officials might be involved with the establishments. Even when the government passed a corruption law in April 2010 declaring a “zero-tolerance” policy for corrupt officials, regular corruption continues and enables and facilitates the environment for trafficking.[17]

Nicholas Kristof asks, “In the 19th century, the civilized world recognized that slavery was a moral blot on humanity and rose up against it. So why should we acquiesce in 21st century slavery, when 15-year old girls are imprisoned in brothels and sentenced to death by AIDS?”[18] Why do we stand by when modern day slavery is clearly so prevalent, and what can we do to eradicate human trafficking? Some things the Cambodian government must work on to help prevent trafficking are: create productive jobs to decrease poverty, educate the population on the dangers and reality of human trafficking, sexual exploitation and AIDS, develop better victim protection and rehabilitation, try harder to prosecute trafficking offenders and enablers and hold them accountable. Human trafficking may begin to decrease at a time when the Khmer people can improve their standard of living without feeling the need risk their lives and when they the have the means to feed themselves. As of now, this time is far from reach.

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[1] Bales, Kevin, and Zoe Trodd. To Plead Our Own Cause: Personal Stories by Today's Slaves. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2008. Print, 206
[2]Darwin, Muhadjir, Anna Marie. Wattie, and Susi Eja. Yuarsi. Living on the Edges: Cross-border Mobility and Sexual Exploitation in the Greater Southeast Asia Sub-region. Yogyakarta: Center for Population and Policy Studies, Gadjah Mada University, 2003, 101
[3]Derks, Annuska. Trafficking of Vietnamese Women and Children to Cambodia. Phnom Penh, Cambodia: IOM, 1998, 4
[4]Caouette, Therese M. Needs Assessment on Cross-border Trafficking in Women and Children the Mekong Sub-region. Bangkok: [s.n.], 1998, 9
[5] 2009 Trafficking in Persons Report
[6]Darwin, Muhadjir, Anna Marie. Wattie, and Susi Eja. Yuarsi. Living on the Edges: Cross-border Mobility and Sexual Exploitation in the Greater Southeast Asia Sub-region. Yogyakarta: Center for Population and Policy Studies, Gadjah Mada University, 2003, 114
[7]"HumanTrafficking.org | Cambodia." HumanTrafficking.org: A Web Resource for Combating Human Trafficking in the East Asia Pacific Region. Web. 14 Sept. 2011. http://www.humantrafficking.org/countries/cambodia (Accessed September 3, 2011)
[8] Neupert, Ricardo. Prum, Virak. Cambodia: Reconstructing the Demographic Stab of the Past and Forecasting the Demographic Scar of the Future European Journal of Population / Revue Européenne de Démographie. Vol. 21, No. 2/3, The Demography of Conflict and Violence / La démographie du conflit et de la violence (Jun., 2005), pp. 217-246
[9]Darwin, Muhadjir, Anna Marie. Wattie, and Susi Eja. Yuarsi, 112
[10]"UNIAP | No-trafficking.org | Cambodia Country Office." UNIAP - The United Nations Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking. Web. 14 Sept. 2011. http://www.no-trafficking.org/cambodia.html.
[11]Jeffreys, Sheila. The Industrial Vagina: The Political Economy of the Global Sex Trade. New York: Routledge, 2009.
[12]"Cambodian Women’s Development Agency." Online Books in the Public Domain. Web. 14 Sept. 2011. http://www.pub22.net/cwda/.
[13]Darwin, Muhadjir, Anna Marie. Wattie, and Susi Eja. Yuarsi, 105
[14]Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2007.
[15]United States Department of State, 2011 Trafficking in Persons Report - Cambodia, 27 June 2011 available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4e12ee8e0.html
[16]2009 TIP, 98
[17]2011 TIP
[18] Kristof, Nicholas D. “Cambodia, Where Sex Traffickers are King,” New York Times January 15, 2009.